Sunday, March 23, 2025

Republic of Spaces - Foams - The third volume of Peter Sloterdijk Spheres...

 



I've just started reading the third volume of Peter Sloterdijk's Spheres. It promises to be a true intellectual feast...

"Foams offer a theory of the present age from the perspective that 'life' unfolds multifocally, multiperspectivally and heterarchically."


December 25th, 2024, Lodz


Foam is actually existing deception—the non-entity as an entity nonetheless, or a feigner of being, a symbol of the First False, an emblem for the undermining of the solid by the untenable—a ghost light, a superfluity, a mood, a swamp gas, inhabited by a dubious subjectivity.
Foam begets nothing, it has no consequences. With no life expectancy or next generation, all it knows is running ahead into its own bursting.
Hegel’s new logic, a positivization of the negative came into view, and with it a possible rehabilitation of foam: “Out of the ferment of finitude, before its transformation into foam, spirit rises up fragrantly.
Does spirit itself, the medium in which substance develops into the subject, even now owe something to foam? Does this bastard that could not be trusted transpire as the long-sought middle element in which the spiritual and the material join to form that concreteness which we call existence? 
Is it the third factor through which binary idiocy could be overcome? Did Aristotle foresee such amalgams when, in Problemata physica, he classed the illness of brilliant men—melancholy—among the “air-filled ailments,” whose features include an affinity for foamable substances: black gall, which the doctors of antiquity believed to appear as an aerated mixture?
December 26th, 2024, Lodz

"It does not pass on outpourings of immediate truth; if Einstein lived next door, I would not know any more about the universe as a result. If the son of God and I had lived on the same floor for years, I would only learn afterwards—if at all—who my neighbor was. 

Every point in the foam offers glimpses of the bordering ones, but comprehensive views are not available—in the most advanced case, exaggerations are formulated inside one bubble and can be used in many neighboring ones. Messages are selectively transferable, and there are no exits into the whole. For theory that accepts being-in-foam as the primary definition of our situation, final super-visions of the One World are not only unattainable, but impossible—and, correctly understood, also undesirable.

Whoever speaks of foams in this tone has abandoned the central symbol of classical metaphysics, of the all-gathering monosphere, namely the orb-shaped One and its projection into panoptic central constructions."

January 1st, 2025, Dębina

Tuesday, March 11, 2025

Przemówienie senatora Claude'a Malhureta w Senacie Francji.

 

Panie Premierze, Szanowni Ministrowie, Drodzy Koledzy,

Europa stoi na rozdrożu swojej historii. Amerykańska tarcza kruszy się, Ukraina ryzykuje pozostanie bez wsparcia, a Rosja – rośnie w siłę. Waszyngton zamienił się w dwór Nerona: cesarz-podpalacz, służalczy dworzanie i błazen, odurzony ketaminą, odpowiedzialny za czystki w aparacie państwowym.

To tragedia dla wolnego świata, ale przede wszystkim – dla samych Stanów Zjednoczonych. Przekaz Trumpa jest jednoznaczny: bycie sojusznikiem Ameryki nie ma sensu, bo nie zapewni ci ochrony, nałoży cła przewyższające sankcje wobec wrogów i zagrozi zajęciem twojego terytorium, wspierając dyktatorów, którzy cię atakują. „Król układów” w rzeczywistości demonstruje sztukę kapitulacji.

Sądzi, że zastraszy Chiny, płaszcząc się przed Putinem, ale Xi Jinping, obserwując ten upadek, z pewnością przyspiesza przygotowania do inwazji na Tajwan. Nigdy w historii USA prezydent nie skapitulował przed wrogiem. Nigdy wcześniej lokator Białego Domu nie wspierał agresora przeciwko sojusznikowi.

Nigdy wcześniej prezydent tak bezczelnie nie deptał Konstytucji: nielegalne dekrety, dymisja sędziów, którzy mogliby mu się sprzeciwić, błyskawiczne czystki w kierownictwie armii, podważanie wszelkich mechanizmów kontroli i równowagi, uzurpacja nadzoru nad mediami społecznościowymi. To nie tylko „zwrot w stronę illiberalizmu” – to próba uzurpacji demokracji. Wystarczy przypomnieć: zniszczenie Republiki Weimarskiej zajęło miesiąc, trzy tygodnie i dwa dni.

Wierzę w odporność amerykańskiej demokracji, a protesty w kraju już się rozpoczęły. Ale w zaledwie miesiąc Trump wyrządził Ameryce więcej szkód niż przez całe cztery lata swojej poprzedniej kadencji. Walczyliśmy z dyktatorem – teraz walczymy z dyktatorem, któremu pomaga zdrajca.

Osiem dni temu, gdy Trump poklepywał Macrona po plecach w Białym Domu, USA głosowały w ONZ razem z Rosją i Koreą Północną – przeciw Europie, domagając się wycofania rosyjskich wojsk. Dwa dni później w Gabinecie Owalnym „dezerter z wojska” Trump pouczał moralnie i strategicznie bohatera wojennego Zełenskiego, a następnie odprawił go jak nieposłusznego lokaja, oświadczając: „Słuchaj albo odejdź”. Dziś poszedł jeszcze dalej – wstrzymał dostawy uzbrojenia, które już były obiecane.

Jak odpowiedzieć na tę zdradę? Odpowiedź jest prosta: stawić opór. Przede wszystkim – nie popełniać błędów. Klęska Ukrainy będzie klęską Europy.

Na liście Kremla są już kraje bałtyckie, Gruzja, Mołdawia. Celem Putina jest powrót do Jałty, gdzie połowę Europy oddano Stalinowi. A kraje Globalnego Południa czekają na wynik tej wojny, by zdecydować: czy nadal szanować Europę, czy już można ją zdeptać.

Putin dąży do zniszczenia porządku ustanowionego 80 lat temu przez USA i ich sojuszników, którego główną zasadą jest zakaz zdobywania terytoriów siłą. Ta zasada jest fundamentem ONZ, a dziś Ameryka głosuje za agresorem i przeciwko ofierze, ponieważ „trumpizm” pokrywa się ze światopoglądem Putina. Powrót do stref wpływów, gdzie wielkie mocarstwa decydują o losach małych państw.

„Dajcie mi Grenlandię, Panamę i Kanadę, wam – Ukrainę, Bałtyk i Europę Wschodnią, jemu – Tajwan i Morze Południowochińskie”. W kręgach oligarchów z Mar-a-Lago nazywa się to „realizmem dyplomatycznym”. W rzeczywistości oznacza jedno: zostaliśmy sami.

Ale twierdzenie, że Putina nie można powstrzymać, to kłamstwo. Wręcz przeciwnie – mimo kremlowskiej propagandy Rosja słabnie. W ciągu trzech lat jej „druga armia świata” zdobyła zaledwie okruchy terytorium kraju trzykrotnie mniejszego pod względem ludności.

Stopy procentowe na poziomie 25%, wyczerpane rezerwy walutowe i złota, zapaść demograficzna – Rosja stoi nad przepaścią. Wsparcie Putina przez USA to największy strategiczny błąd w historii wojen. Ale ten cios otrzeźwił Europę.

Jednego dnia w Monachium Europejczycy zrozumieli: los Ukrainy i przyszłość Europy leżą w ich rękach. Mamy teraz trzy najważniejsze priorytety:

  1. Przyspieszenie dostaw broni dla Ukrainy – wyrównanie amerykańskiej zdrady, wzmocnienie jej obrony i zapewnienie obecności Europy w każdych negocjacjach. To kosztowne, ale konieczne. Czas złamać tabu i wykorzystać zamrożone aktywa rosyjskie, a także stworzyć koalicję zdecydowanych państw, mimo prorosyjskich sabotażystów wewnątrz UE.
  2. Każde porozumienie musi obejmować zwrot porwanych dzieci, uwolnienie więźniów i absolutne gwarancje bezpieczeństwa. Po Budapeszcie, Gruzji i Mińsku znamy cenę „umów” z Putinem. To oznacza, że Europa musi dysponować wystarczającą siłą militarną, by zapobiec nowej inwazji.
  3. Stworzenie europejskiej obrony, porzuconej po 1945 r. i osłabionej po upadku ZSRR. To zadanie tytaniczne, ale przyszłe pokolenia ocenią obecnych liderów Europy przez pryzmat jego sukcesu lub porażki.

Friedrich Merz stwierdził, że Europa potrzebuje własnej koalicji militarnej – co oznacza, że Francja miała rację przez dziesięciolecia, broniąc autonomii strategicznej. Teraz trzeba ją zbudować.

Potrzebne są wielkie inwestycje, europejski fundusz obronny wyłączony spod limitów długu z Maastricht, unifikacja systemów uzbrojenia, przyspieszone przyjęcie Ukrainy do UE – pierwszej armii Europy. Nowa strategia nuklearna oparta na siłach francuskich i brytyjskich. Rozwój systemów obrony przeciwrakietowej i satelitarnych. Plan Ursuli von der Leyen to dobry początek, ale potrzeba więcej.

Europa znów stanie się potęgą militarną tylko wtedy, gdy odzyska status supermocarstwa przemysłowego. To oznacza, że konieczny jest plan Mario Draghiego – i tym razem trzeba go wdrożyć.

Ale kluczowym czynnikiem europejskiego dozbrojenia jest mobilizacja moralna. Musimy przekonać społeczeństwo, pokonać zmęczenie, strach przed wojną i opór sojuszników Putina – skrajnej prawicy i lewicy.

Koniec sojuszu atlantyckiego? Ryzyko jest ogromne. Ale w ostatnich dniach upokorzenie Zełenskiego i seria szaleńczych decyzji wywołały oburzenie także w samych Stanach Zjednoczonych.

Los Ukrainy waży się w okopach. Ale zależy także od nas – czy zjednoczymy Europę, stworzymy jej tarczę obronną i przywrócimy jej status wielkiego mocarstwa.

Chwała wolnej Ukrainie! Niech żyje demokratyczna Europa!

French Senator Claude Malhuret speaks before the French Senate

Mr. Prime Minister, esteemed Ministers, dear colleagues, Europe stands at a critical crossroads in its history. The American shield is crumbling, Ukraine risks being left without support, and Russia – strengthening. Washington has turned into Nero's court: an arsonist emperor, subservient courtiers, and a jester, intoxicated with ketamine, responsible for purges in the state apparatus.

This is a tragedy for the free world, but above all – for the USA itself. Trump's message is unambiguous: being an ally of America is pointless, because it will not protect you, will impose tariffs exceeding sanctions against its enemies, and will threaten the seizure of your territories, supporting dictators who attack you. The "King of Deals" in fact demonstrates the art of capitulation.

He thinks he will intimidate China by groveling before Putin, but Xi Jinping, observing this collapse, is surely accelerating preparations for an invasion of Taiwan. Never in US history has a president capitulated to an enemy. Never before has a head of the White House supported an aggressor against an ally.

Never before has a president trampled on the Constitution so brazenly: illegal decrees, dismissal of judges who could oppose him, instant purge of military leadership, undermining all checks and balances, usurpation of control over social networks. This is not just an "illiberal tilt" – it is an attempt to usurp democracy. Suffice it to recall: the destruction of the Weimar Republic took only a month, three weeks and two days.

I believe in the resilience of American democracy, and protests in the country have already begun. But in just one month, Trump has done more harm to America than in all four years of his previous presidency. We were fighting against a dictator – now we are fighting against a dictator who is helped by a traitor.

Eight days ago, when Trump patted Macron on the back in the White House, the US voted in the UN together with Russia and North Korea – against Europe, demanding the withdrawal of Russian troops. Two days later in the Oval Office, the "army dodger" Trump lectured the war hero Zelensky morally and strategically, and then sent him away like a negligent lackey, declaring: "Obey or leave". Tonight he went even further – he stopped the arms supplies that had already been promised.

How to respond to this betrayal? The answer is simple: fight back. First of all – do not make mistakes. The defeat of Ukraine will be the defeat of Europe.

The Kremlin's list already includes the Baltic countries, Georgia, Moldova. Putin's goal is a return to Yalta, where half of Europe was given to Stalin. And the countries of the Global South are waiting for the outcome of this conflict to decide: whether to still respect Europe or whether it can already be trampled upon.

Putin seeks to destroy the order established 80 years ago by the US and its allies, the main principle of which is the prohibition of the seizure of territories by force. This principle underlies the UN, and today America votes for the aggressor and against the victim, because "Trumpism" coincides with Putin's worldview. The return to spheres of influence, where great powers decide the fate of small countries.

"Give me Greenland, Panama and Canada, you – Ukraine, the Baltics and Eastern Europe, him – Taiwan and the South China Sea". In the circles of Mar-a-Lago oligarchs this is called "diplomatic realism". And in reality it means one thing: we are left alone.

But the assertion that Putin cannot be resisted is a lie. On the contrary, despite Kremlin propaganda, Russia is weakening. In three years, its "second army in the world" managed to conquer only crumbs from a country three times smaller in population.

Interest rates at 25%, depletion of currency and gold reserves, demographic collapse – Russia is on the brink of an abyss. US support for Putin is the biggest strategic mistake in the history of wars. However, this blow sobered Europe.

In one day in Munich, Europeans realized: the fate of Ukraine and the future of Europe are in their hands. Now we have three top priorities:

  1. Accelerate arms supplies to Ukraine – compensate for America's betrayal, strengthen its defense and assert European presence in any negotiations. This is expensive, but necessary. It's time to break the taboo and use frozen Russian assets, as well as create a coalition of resolute countries, despite pro-Russian saboteurs within the EU.
  2. Any agreement must provide for the return of abducted children, the release of prisoners and absolute security guarantees. After Budapest, Georgia and Minsk, we know the price of "agreements" with Putin. This means that Europe must have sufficient military might to prevent a new invasion.
  3. Create a European defense, abandoned after 1945 and undermined after the collapse of the USSR. This is a titanic task, but future generations will judge the current leaders of Europe by its success or failure.

Friedrich Merz stated that Europe needs its own military coalition – which means France has been right all these decades, defending strategic autonomy. Now it needs to be built.

Large-scale investments, a European defense fund outside the Maastricht debt limits, unification of weapons systems, accelerated admission of Ukraine to the EU – the first army of Europe. A new nuclear strategy based on French and British forces. Development of missile defense and satellite systems. Ursula von der Leyen's plan is a good start, but more will be needed.

Europe will become a military power again only if it regains its status as an industrial superpower. This means that Mario Draghi's plan is needed – and this time it will have to be implemented.

But the main factor in European rearmament is moral mobilization. We must convince society, overcome fatigue, fear of war and resistance from Putin's allies – the far-right and far-left. Yesterday they again spoke in the National Assembly, Mr. Prime Minister, against European unity, against European defense.

They say they want peace. But what they are really striving for is capitulation. Their "peace" is defeat. This is the replacement of de Gaulle-Zelensky with a Ukrainian Pétain, obedient to Putin. This is the "peace" of collaborators who have been sabotaging any aid to Ukraine for three years.

The end of the Atlantic alliance? The risk is great. But in recent days, the humiliation of Zelensky and a series of insane decisions have caused outrage in the US itself.

Trump's ratings are falling, Republicans in their districts are met by hostile crowds, even Fox News has begun to criticize the president. Trumpists still control the executive branch, Congress, the Supreme Court and social networks, but in American history those who fought for freedom always won. And they are already raising their heads.

The fate of Ukraine is decided in the trenches. But it also depends on those in the US who are fighting for democracy, and on us – whether we can unite Europe, create its defense shield and restore its status as a great power.

Our ancestors defeated fascism and communism at the cost of the greatest sacrifices. Our task is to defeat the totalitarianism of the 21st century.

Glory to free Ukraine! Long live democratic Europe!

Monday, March 03, 2025

A Letter from 40 Veterans of Poland’s Anti-Communist Struggle to Donald Trump


One of the signatories, Lech Wałęsa, in the US Congress

Dear Mr. President,

We watched your conversation with the President of Ukraine, Volodymyr Zelensky, with horror and disgust. We find your expectations regarding the demonstration of respect and gratitude for the material aid provided by the United States to Ukraine—currently fighting Russia—to be offensive. Gratitude is owed to the heroic Ukrainian soldiers who are shedding their blood in defense of the values of the free world. They have been dying on the front lines for over 11 years now, in the name of these values and the independence of their homeland attacked by Putin’s Russia.
We do not understand how the leader of a country that symbolizes the free world could fail to see this.

We were also horrified by the atmosphere in the Oval Office during that conversation, which reminded us of the interrogations by the Security Service and the courtroom trials in communist courts that we vividly remember. The prosecutors and judges, acting on orders from the all-powerful communist political police, also used to explain to us that they had all the cards in their hands, while we had none. They demanded that we cease our activities, arguing that thousands of innocent people were suffering because of us. They deprived us of our freedom and civil rights because we refused to cooperate with the authorities and did not show gratitude to them. We are shocked that you treated President Volodymyr Zelensky in a similar way.

The history of the 20th century shows that whenever the United States tried to keep its distance from democratic values and its European allies, it ultimately resulted in a threat to the United States itself. President Woodrow Wilson understood this when he decided in 1917 that the United States would enter World War I. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt understood this when, after the attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941, he decided that the war in defense of America would be fought not only in the Pacific but also in Europe, in alliance with the countries attacked by the Third Reich.

We remember that without President Ronald Reagan and American financial involvement, it would not have been possible to bring about the collapse of the Soviet Union’s empire. President Reagan was aware that in Soviet Russia and in the countries it had conquered, millions of enslaved people were suffering, including thousands of political prisoners who paid with their freedom for their commitment to democratic values. His greatness lay, among other things, in the fact that he did not hesitate to call the USSR an “Evil Empire” and waged a decisive struggle against it. We won, and today in Warsaw, opposite the U.S. embassy, stands a monument to President Ronald Reagan.

Mr. President, material aid—both military and financial—cannot be a substitute for the blood shed in the name of Ukraine’s independence and freedom, and that of Europe and the entire free world. Human life is priceless; its value cannot be measured in money. Gratitude is owed to those who bear the sacrifice of blood and freedom. For us, people of “Solidarity” and former political prisoners of the communist regime serving Soviet Russia, this is self-evident.

We call upon the United States to fulfill the guarantees it provided, along with the United Kingdom, in the 1994 Budapest Memorandum. In this document, it was explicitly stated there would be an obligation to defend Ukraine’s territorial integrity in exchange for Ukraine relinquishing its nuclear weapons arsenal. These guarantees are unconditional: there is not a single word in there about treating such assistance as a matter of commercial exchange.

Below is a list of 40 signatories, political prisoners from the time of the Polish People’s Republic (PRL). Apart from the former Presidents Lech Wałęsa and Bronisław Komorowski, these include Bogdan Borusewicz, Zbigniew Bujak, Władysław Frasyniuk, Bogdan Lis, Adam Michnik, and Andrzej Seweryn.

  • Lech Wałęsa, former political prisoner, leader of Solidarity, President of the Third Republic of Poland
  • Bronisław Komorowski, former political prisoner, President of the Third Republic of Poland
  • Marek Beylin, former political prisoner, editor of independent publications
  • Seweryn Blumsztajn, former political prisoner, member of the Workers’ Defense Committee
  • Teresa Bogucka, former political prisoner, democratic opposition and Solidarity activist
  • Grzegorz Boguta, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist, independent publisher
  • Marek Borowik, former political prisoner, independent publisher
  • Bogdan Borusewicz, former political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Gdańsk
  • Zbigniew Bujak, former political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Warsaw
  • Władysław Frasyniuk, former political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Wrocław
  • Andrzej Gincburg, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Ryszard Grabarczyk, former political prisoner, Solidarity activist
  • Aleksander Janiszewski, former political prisoner, Solidarity activist
  • Piotr Kapczyński, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist
  • Marek Kossakowski, former political prisoner, independent publicist
  • Krzysztof Król, former political prisoner, independence activist
  • Jarosław Kurski, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist
  • Barbara Labuda, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Bogdan Lis, former political prisoner, leader of the underground Solidarity in Gdańsk
  • Henryk Majewski, former political prisoner, Solidarity activist
  • Adam Michnik, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist, editor of independent publications
  • Sławomir Najnigier, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Piotr Niemczyk, former political prisoner, journalist and printer of underground publications
  • Stefan Konstanty Niesiołowski, former political prisoner, independence activist
  • Edward Nowak, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Wojciech Onyszkiewicz, former political prisoner, member of the Workers’ Defense Committee, Solidarity activist
  • Antoni Pawlak, former political prisoner, democratic and underground Solidarity activist
  • Sylwia Poleska-Peryt, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist
  • Krzysztof Pusz, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Ryszard Pusz, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Jacek Rakowiecki, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Andrzej Seweryn, former political prisoner, actor, Director of the Polish Theater in Warsaw
  • Witold Sielewicz, former political prisoner, printer of independent publications
  • Henryk Sikora, former political prisoner, Solidarity activist
  • Krzysztof Siemieński, former political prisoner, journalist and printer of underground publications
  • Grażyna Staniszewska, former political prisoner, leader of Solidarity in the Beskid region
  • Jerzy Stępień, former political prisoner, democratic opposition activist
  • Joanna Szczęsna, former political prisoner, editor of the underground Solidarity press
  • Ludwik Turko, former political prisoner, underground Solidarity activist
  • Mateusz Wierzbicki, former political prisoner, printer and publicist of independent publications


Republic of Spaces - Foams - The third volume of Peter Sloterdijk Spheres...

  I've just started reading the third volume of Peter Sloterdijk's Spheres. It promises to be a true intellectual feast... "Foa...